For more than two and a half years, Ethiopia’s Amhara region has been engulfed in a violent confrontation between federal forces and an increasingly organised militia movement known as Fano.
The fighting—rooted in territorial disputes, identity politics, and deep mistrust of the federal government—has devastated communities and pushed the region to the edge of humanitarian collapse.
The New Humanitarian, which has recently reported from the conflict zone, describes a landscape marked by fear, desperation, and a population caught between drone strikes, militia offensives, and government crackdowns.
A Conflict Reshaping Amhara
Federal troops and security agencies have faced widespread accusations of extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, indiscriminate drone attacks, and abuses targeting civilians suspected of supporting Fano. Drone strikes—carried out using Chinese and Turkish-made aircraft—have been responsible for hundreds of civilian deaths, according to rights groups.
Urban centres have also suffered. Residents in Bahir Dar described killings following Fano attacks, including instances where detained individuals were later found dead in the streets. Humanitarian organisations warn that the insecurity has crippled aid delivery at a time when drought and displacement are already straining the region’s resilience.
Hospitals struggle to function as medical workers face intimidation, arrests, and raids. Supplies are scarce, ambulances are targeted, and many clinics treat the wounded in improvised shelters to avoid being detected by drones.
Inside Fano’s Strongholds
During recent visits to southern Amhara—particularly Gojjam—The New Humanitarian found Fano fighters entrenched in rural areas and enjoying broad grassroots support.
The word “Fano” historically refers to freedom fighters who resisted Italian occupation in the 1930s. Today, the movement has been reshaped into an Amhara ethno-nationalist armed group that draws membership from students, professionals, farmers, and defectors from state security forces.
One commander, Asres Mare Damte, stated that he has spent almost three years living in the wilderness with his fighters. Local residents often view Fano as their only protection against the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF). Some communities even raise money to purchase weapons—reportedly sourcing arms from neighbouring Sudan.
Despite federal military deployments, drone bombardments, and mass arrests, Fano continues to hold much of the rural territory. Government control is largely limited to major cities and key transport corridors. According to various accounts, a significant portion of Fano’s ranks consist of former members of the ENDF and Amhara special forces.
The Human Toll
Drone attacks have left horrific scenes throughout the region. In Afessa, a recent strike hit a school compound, killing children and Fano fighters alike. The New Humanitarian documented the aftermath—dead livestock, blood-soaked ground, and survivors receiving care in dark, makeshift huts because moving them to a clinic risked another strike.
Doctors working underground describe being overwhelmed and fearful. Some injuries are severe—skull fractures, massive blood loss—but transports are nearly impossible due to roadblocks and drone threats.
Humanitarian workers themselves have been killed or kidnapped, and nearly the entire region is now classified as high-risk by aid agencies.
Why the Rebellion Took Root
Although the Amhara have historically held significant political influence in Ethiopia, many Amhara political activists argue that federal ethnic federalism marginalises their community. Fano’s leaders frequently describe their struggle as a fight against “oppression” and the fragmentation of the country.
The current rebellion has deep roots:
1. Post-2016 protest era
Fano grew out of anti-government protests against the TPLF-led administration. Many early leaders were imprisoned before Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018.
2. The Tigray war
During the 2020–2022 conflict, Fano and Amhara forces fought alongside the federal government. The war expanded Fano’s size, access to weapons, and political influence, especially in disputed territories like Welkait and Raya, areas claimed by both Amhara and Tigray.
3. Post-Pretoria fallout
The 2022 peace deal with the TPLF excluded Amhara groups. Many in Amhara feared the possibility of returning disputed territories to Tigray, sparking anger and distrust.
4. Disbanding regional forces
The government’s 2023 directive to dissolve regional special forces pushed many Amhara fighters into the bush, where they joined Fano.
Political Narratives and Ethnic Tensions
Ethnic violence and competing narratives of victimhood fuel the conflict. In Amhara circles, the term “genocide” is widely used to describe killings of Amhara communities in areas like Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz. Other ethnic groups dispute these characterizations, arguing that all communities experience violence under the federal system.
Analysts interviewed by The New Humanitarian say that both the federal government and Amhara factions are trying to reshape Ethiopia’s constitutional order—but for very different purposes. Critics view Abiy Ahmed’s push for constitutional reform as an attempt to centralise authority, while Fano leaders argue for removing ethnic federalism altogether.
Eskinder Nega, a prominent Amhara political figure associated with Fano networks, has called for a new political system free from ethnic divisions, saying Ethiopia needs a “paradigm shift.”
Is Peace Possible?
Despite the militia’s hardline stance and the government’s portrayal of Fano as disorganised, back-channel discussions reportedly exist. Some Fano leaders privately acknowledge the possibility of negotiations—though only if they achieve full control of Amhara first.
For now, both sides continue preparing for prolonged conflict. Fano leaders insist they will advance toward Addis Ababa if necessary. The federal government continues to deploy troops and drones.
The humanitarian situation worsens daily, and civilians remain trapped between two forces with little trust in each other and even less interest in compromise.
Editor’s Note: This article is an independent rewrite based on reporting originally published by The New Humanitarian.
